What we eat is determined by more than just our preferences. Food choices are shaped by availability, culture and global economic structures. Tradition and wealth can influence what we eat, just as trade and foreign investments can influence our access to food. Due to the high degree of economic interdependence, the purchase of a food product in one country can affect the price development in another, ultimately restricting food choices. In short: Food is a highly political issue. Nowhere is this more true than in Asia.
On the 40th anniversary of the fall of Phnom Penh, the Heinrich Böll Foundation organised a conference with the purpose of assessing the achievements and the shortcomings of Cambodia’s transitional justice process. “Justice and Reconciliation after the Khmer Rouge Regime: What has been achieved?” took place in Meta House, Phnom Penh, on 18 February 2015, and brought together researchers and experts from a number of different disciplines.
On the 7th August, 2014, the Trial Chamber of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) sentenced Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan to life imprisonment, having found them guilty of crimes against humanity committed between the 17th April, 1975, and December, 1977. This verdict marks the completion of the first trial in Case 02, known as Case 002/01, which commenced on the 21st November, 2011, and concluded in October, 2013, after 20 months of evidentiary hearings.
Nearly 40 years after the fall of the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime (1975-1979) the forced marriages and enforced conjugal relations experienced by thousands of Cambodians continue to be little understood as a central part of the general atrocity. These marriages eliminated choice, were without consent, and took place within a context of severe coercion.
Phnom Penh is a rapidly changing city marked by urban development. In 1998 one in every 20 Cambodians lived in Phnom Penh. Within four years, this statistic has become one in every ten Cambodians. Between 1998 and 2008 the city’s population more than doubled, increasing from 567,860 to 1,237,600 people.
Property rights regimes in regard to forests and forestland are different from country to the other. In Europe for example are three different forest property right regimes at stake: the publicly owned forest (stakeholders are communes, universities, cities); the state owned forest (stakeholders are the state or the church); the private owned forest (stakeholders are private persons or corporate bodies).
Phnom Penh, December 09, 2015: The Survey on The compensation Policies and Market Property Price of Lower Sesan 2 Dam Development Project (LS2), commissioned by The NGO Forum on Cambodia and Heinrich Boell Foundation/Heinrich Böll Stiftung (HBS), the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Cambodia (OHCHR), Oxfam conducted by Independent consultant team, is launched today at Phnom Penh Ecumenical Diakonia Centre (PPEDC) to the public.
Asia, the world’s most populous continent, has been undergoing a dramatic transformation. Globalization and new technologies are leading millions of people out of poverty. At the same time thousands have to leave their country. A continent on the move.
Through misuse, we lose 24 billion tonnes of fertile soil every year. For the International Year of Soils in 2015, this Atlas shows, why the soil should concern us all. Jointly published by the Heinrich Böll Foundation and the Institute for Advanced Sustainability Studies.
In the current development and economic climate of Cambodia, urbanization plays a major role. The promise of employment, savings, and a secure future has driven rates of urbanization to be amongst the highest in the South-East Asia region.
In recent years, there has been a surge in forced displacement resulting from land concessions for industrial sugar plantations in Cambodia. Motivated by the European Union’s “Everything But Arms” (EBA) preferential trade scheme for least developed countries, Thai sugar companies and a well connected Cambodian tycoon have developed industrial plantations in Cambodia to produce raw sugar for export to Europe. The EBA initiative provides duty-free access to the European market and a guaranteed minimum price for sugar that has been on average three times the world price. While the EBA scheme is intended to benefit the poor through job creation from export-led growth, the case of Cambodia’s rapidly expanding sugar industry tells a different story.
This paper is confrontational and challenges many deep assumptions in mainstream development. It argues that from the early 1990s in many ways Cambodia became a ‘donor playground’. It supports this argument by reference to various arguments in development studies, to a specific case study of intervention in Cambodia, and to an examination of important parts of the relevant donor ‘knowledge production’.
This study aims to provide a brief overview of bauxite mining in three key locations in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. It takes a deeper look into the role that China is playing in investing in bauxite mining and regional infrastructure to strategically position the country as the main market for bauxite, alumina and aluminum from these three countries.
In late June and early July 2012, more than 1,000 student volunteers were dispatched to targeted provinces across the country, accompanied by officials from the Ministry of Land Management, Urban Planning and Construction (MLMUPC), to implement Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen’s Order 01BB. The student volunteers were trained in basic measurement techniques, kitted out with military uniforms bearing the MLMUPC’s logo, transported by army trucks, and directed to measure land and grant land certificates to rural residents. This land titling campaign was the personal initiative of Hun Sen and as such received support from all levels of government. Funding for the campaign came from Hun Sen and his wife, as well as from key members of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP).
Equality for all human beings is a core principal and Leitmotif of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1949 and manifested in many national constitutions. Due to the lack of equal political participation of women quotas were implemented over the last years – by developed and developing countries in order to improve women’s political participation. Empirical evidence shows that it is a powerful and successful tool.
Korea was widely portrayed in recent years as one of the top investors in Cambodia, with its investment reaching record levels in 2007 and 2008. Its influence also became noticeably visible, from the ubiquitous broadcasting of Korean productions by Cambodian TV and radio channels to the increasing number of Korean-led ambitious real estate projects in Phnom Penh.
Despite the tens of millions of dollars in aid and concessional loans being spent in Cambodia, the evidence shows that tenure insecurity, forced evictions and large-scale land grabbing are escalating to alarming levels. The paper calls on development partners to adopt a ten-pronged framework for a human rights approach to development.
More than 300 indigenous peoples celebrated this year’s IP Day with a march, speeches, an exhibition of arts and crafts and a large cultural show in Siem Reap – Angkor Town. “We reached more people and our voices have been heard nationally and internationally” claims Pheap Sochea, President of the Cambodian Indigenous Youth Association.
Over the past decade numerous steps have been taken in the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN) to build the capacity of law enforcement, governments and service providers to address human trafficking and labour exploitation.
In September 1995, the Fourth World Conference on Women took place in Beijing. An unprecedented number of 17,000 participants and 30,000 activists (UNWomen) descended on Beijing to enhance gender equality and further the empowerment of women worldwide.
The annual report 2013 of the Heinrich Böll Foundation summarizes the Foundation's work on the topics European policy, ecology and justice, democracy and human rights, foreign and security policy, education, social participation and opportunities for advancement.
This study analyzes whether and how gender is taken into consideration during the transitional period following wars, violent conflicts and dictatorships. The key question posed here is: To what extent can transitional justice institutions and mechanisms achieve gender justice? This stems from the assumption that forms of genderbased violence as well as gender differences need to be considered when coming to terms with wars, mass violence and severe breaches of human rights. Only by doing so can violent structures be eliminated, sustainable peace processes created and social justice established.
The overarching objective of this paper is to provide recommendations for the implementation of gender quotas in Cambodia. The paper first considers why it is important to achieve gender equality in politics, and asks eight individuals, who are working in Cambodia to promote the role of women in politics, why they think it is necessary for women to be represented in politics.
In a rural commune situated along the Mekong river in Kratie province, a group of women with a strong motivation to work for other women`s emancipation come together and decided to engage in activities that could inspire women and offer them new roles and opportunities.
Cambodian minorities and Indigenous Peoples differ in terms of their migration history, their means of living, the way they practice and preserve their cultural traditions, and their sense of identity. This report attempts to provide an overview of 4 different minority groups in general; and in particular, it will examine and compare the situation of the Cham Muslims, the Khmer Krom, the ethnic Vietnamese, along with the Indigenous Peoples of Cambodia.
Ahead of the appeal hearing this week for 10 land activists and one monk, all wrongfully convicted and imprisoned following unfair trials, LICADHO is publishing a new report about the current state of Cambodian prisons and the human rights implications for those held in them.
A country still transitioning to democracy, Cambodia needs a reliable police force to uphold the rule of law and instill confidence in the governance system among the country’s people. To this end, significant donor and government resources have been spent for initiatives creating new institutional rules and providing police training to boost capacity. In reality however, the police force is still perceived as one of the country’s most corrupt institutions. Moreover, acts of police brutality against civilians continue to occur, demonstrated during recent land eviction protests and demonstrations following the release of the highly contested results of the 28 July 2013 national election. Consequently, this paper seeks to discredit the fictitious view that new institutional rules and police training will necessarily lead to an adequate police force.